Por Ignacio Fidanza
Macri's abandonment of the internal crisis as the name definition begins surprises as much as Larreta's impositions.

This is a relevant fact regarding the name definition and yet, until now, it has not been analyzed in its entirety. Macri's abandonment of the internal crisis, just as the list enters its definition stage, is mysterious, while Larreta's candidate imposition is shocking.

He is a young former president, with inexhaustible economic and media resources, high-level international contacts, as well as the leader of the coalition that he built for obtaining power. And yet, after months of extreme tensions, he ceded all to his rival, who was ignored for years, and considered an effective manager with no political vision. Once again, politics shows that it is a relentless graveyard of platitudes, in which, perhaps, the only rule is that no one should be underestimated.

In privacy, Macri refers to Larreta and Vidal as wayward employees, or politicians without strong temper for the real struggle for power. He's angry and doesn't hide it. But minimization may mask impotence. In an imperceptible way, playing a distracted role amid his silent killer mark, Larreta was building a scenario that made Macri an extreme leader. That is, of the noisiest segment, but perhaps the tightest one too.

Larreta who for years was an effective manager with no political vision, imposed himself on Macri with surprising ease. Once again, politics shows that it is a relentless graveyard of platitudes, in which, perhaps, the only rule is that no one should be underestimated.

It is unbelievable that a man who built a national alliance that dislodged Peronism from power has been so naïve, or so lenient in regards to his power situation. When criticism of Marcos Peña intensified during his government, it was commonplace to say that, far from being a problem, Marcos "improved" Macri. The handover of leadership is often a tortuous process. Admittedly, in this change, Macri respected his succinct style.

Larreta manages, governs the largest structure that the opposition has and is a solid candidate for the next presidential election. Creating tension for promoting agreements and conditions would make sense. And yet, in the last minute, Macri went for a tour in the Mediterranean and left the issues for Patricia to solve, as well as to the long list of ultras that spent the last year and a half preparing for the fight. He seems like a Guayaquil porteño, but lacking a relevant chapter. If that is not the case, the fact is that no one can understand Macri's actions.

Larreta won the race. He made it very clear that he is the new political chief of the capital, the founding PRO stronghold, but in the same race, he crossed General Paz and became the new driver of that immense geographical region. And in case something was missing, when Bullrich's resignation had not yet emerged, he showed up in Santa Fe with Carrio and Del Sel.

The Capital, Buenos Aires and Santa Fe is a territorial region too large to control. With a critical addition to the already strong PRO: Vidal and Carrio stayed on his side.

Santilli's Buenos Aires candidacy still needs to be secured, but that is a fight to be fought with the radicals, who see Macri as a distant spectator. It would be surprising to observe how quickly politics can change, if we did not know that this is Argentina, the country where anything is possible. 

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