Editorial
The Crown
Por Ignacio Fidanza
Vice-president elect Cristina Kirchner came back and offered a show of power that does not speak but is manifested through crucial interventions.

If Macri's government succumbed to the structural confusion of believing itself in the sophisticated halls of House of Cards, when in reality they were living the tireless chaotic siege of Vikings; the dawning age evokes The Crown, the concept of an omnipresent queen, pounding with steel fingers on the central nerves of power.

But Argentina's exceptionalism gives the plot an exciting twist. We are not dealing with a constitutional monarchy endowed with the blood of power. What we are witnessing is the strategic deployment of a political leader, who seems to be playing four-dimensional chess, while her rivals-allies become entangled in the limited alternatives of a round of UNO. To be generous.

And just as no one can rightly invoke one's own clumsiness as a defense, neither is it practical in politics to complain about the superiority of the rival. It is the ultimate game of human drives for the possession of knowledge, or if you will, the ambition for power. The rules of the game, in a democracy, are as flexible as constitutional texts. On the inside, it is an all-goes card, in which there is not a scale that distinguishes categories by the weight of the rivals.

The Fifth Wave of Peronism

President-elect Alberto Fernández has spent the long weeks of the transition period concentrated on deploying a personal protagonism, anchored in the attempt to build a regional leadership from a kind of center-left ample-front. The disadvantage of this quest for political density, which was essentially an exercise in rhetoric, is that he delayed tackling the core of his political challenge: the construction of a solid government team and a coherent plan that would allow Argentina to emerge from the economic labyrinth. And linked to that movement, the first step of internal legitimization of his leadership.

He wasted time while the other central piece of the incoming administration that is taking shape before our eyes used it for a lethal task: thinking.

Vice-president elect Cristina Kirchner returned from a visit to Cuba and one move was enough to show the country and the world who concentrates the final decisions in Argentina, which is very similar to saying who has the power. She managed to summon the President-elect to her private home and, along with her son Máximo and Wado de Pedro, subjected the cabinet to a thorough review. From the gestures of power, the image reminds us of the summits that take place in European democracies, when the head of state meets with the prime minister and forms a government.

The obvious problem is that we are not in Europe. We have neither an economy organized by force from outside the country, nor a supranational institutional network. What we have is liberty and risk. And an inherited social fragility that subjects this fifth wave of Peronism to a new journey on thin ice.

Cristina vetoes, they make up vetoes for her, and she designates. She covers positions with no voracity, but one senses a calculation, a careful design, a world of superimposed chess boards that cross critical devices of power.

Alberto expands his media presence and covers layers of interviews with new layers of interviews. Statements with statements. He rehearses the construction of his own foundations with the more traditional CGT unions, the less Kirchnerist governors, and the media more reactive to former president Cristina. It is the yang of a ying who discovered the pleasure of alternating long silences with decisive appearances. He is focused. Shows a certain enjoyment in the art of administering the forces and choosing not the battle, but something even more crucial, the battlefield.

Can it work? That is the only question that matters. At this point in Argentina's decline no one really cares who is in charge or even who is right. Those are dilemmas from the 90's, when there was a model that displayed overwhelming power, a course that seemed inevitable, and at the same time excluded, offered a framework that allowed the game of ethical challenge. Today we are far below those margins of "normality". Without money it is very difficult to organize a society. Perhaps that is where reconstruction should begin. 

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